Height is correlated with cognitive achievement, wages, and even lifespan. This is because height in part reflects a person’s early life health environment: children who receive better nutrition and have fewer childhood diseases grow taller, on average, than children who are less well-nourished and more often ill. The relationship between height and cognitive achievement is especially steep in poorer countries, where child health problems are more severe and varied than in richer countries.
Child height is therefore a useful tool for understanding inequality, both across countries and within countries. Child height in India has received attention from the academics and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) because children in India are shorter than would be predicted by the country’s economic conditions.
Yet, few have investigated disparities in child height within India. In a recent study, my co-authors Ashwini Deshpande, Jeffrey Hammer, Dean Spears, and I set out to fill this gap by asking the question: does average child height in India vary by caste and tribal status? If so, why?
Most disputes in U.S. state courts are minor
infractions, such as traffic violations. Yet for Americans living in
poverty, a traffic ticket is not merely annoying; it could result in a
worst-case scenario of losing a job or being thrown in jail.
A recent study by one of us found that online court software may offer a solution for minor legal disputes by connecting needy defendants to courts, for free, from anywhere with internet access: a public library, a family member’s mobile device, or a shelter. By improving and easing communication, online access can empower poor litigants to seek appropriate forms of relief, facilitate information sharing, and ultimately improve the accuracy of justice system outcomes.
shows that, in general, men have an advantage over women in the labor market: men
tend to have higher wages and reach authority positions to a greater extent
compared to women. It has been suggested that discriminatory behavior by
employers may be one possible reason for the observed gender disparities in
While there is a lot of research on gender discrimination in recruitment, conclusive evidence is still lacking. Moreover, little is known about possible gender discrimination by the employer’s gender. Do male employers favor men over women in recruitment? Do female employers prefer recruiting women rather than men?
To answer these questions, a recent study investigates whether the treatment of male and female job applicants differ by the gender of the recruiter. Fictitious job applications in response to real job openings in the Swedish labor market were sent and the employer callbacks, i.e., employers’ responses to the job applications, were observed. Thus, the first stage of the recruitment process (in which the selection of applicants to be contacted for interviews takes place) was studied.
It is well known that earnings inequality has been rising in the US and many other countries over the last forty years. What is less well known, is that the great rise in contemporary earnings inequalities is propelled to a large extent by between-workplace wage polarization, whereby some organizations accumulate large resource bases while others fight over the crumbs.
processes have been described as being propelled by “macro” forces: the financialization
of production encouraging externalization, physical and social technologies of
surveillance that enable between firm control of production, skill-biased
technological change, and market fundamentalism
in public policy that permit unfettered firm practices.
trends are always products of a set of meso-level organizational decisions. It
was not disembodied “technology” or “markets” that generated the growth in
inequality, but social movements promoting the interests of shareholders over
other stakeholders, neoliberal policy orientations in the state, and union-busting
consultants that drove these shifts.
Arguments against racial reparations in the United States often
lean on the assertions that slavery was “a long time ago,” that no one alive
today suffered as a slave in the United States, and that no one alive today
owned any slaves in the United States (at least not legally; we know human
trafficking remains a major problem). The argument generally proceeds that
therefore no one suffered from slavery and no one benefitted so no one deserves
“The past is the past,” they say.
Sociologists and other social scientists disagree. The past may be the past but it continues to have a measurable influence on contemporary social outcomes, and “legacy of slavery” research shows that chattel slavery is directly related to a wide variety of phenomena in the United States: violent crime rates, black election turnout, executions, educational inequality, economic inequality, school segregation. And internationally, researchers find that the slave trade significantly stunted the economic development of places in Africa where slaves were stolen and places where slavery was more widespread historically, with the exception of the United States.
Each year, firms invest millions of dollars in diversity programs aimed at increasing the representation and advancement of women and racial minorities. Sociologists have found that some of these programs work, and some do more harm than good. One key ingredient in whether diversity programs improve, or worsen, the representation of women and racial minorities is if these initiatives are supported by employees. Programs that are viewed positively by workers are more likely to produce the intended results, while those that are resisted may result in a backlash and actually make conditions worse for underrepresented groups.
In a recent study, we explored how people feel about different types of diversity programs and why they feel the way they do. We used data from a TESS (Time-sharing Experiments for the Social Sciences) survey that asked nearly 2,000 working individuals whether they supported eight different diversity policies. The design of the survey allowed us to see if support differed based on whether policies are aimed at women or racial minorities, as well as if support differed based on if the policies were justified to improve diversity, address discrimination, or if no justification is given.
sentiment is alive and growing in America.
Between 2003 and 2014, the share of Americans disapproving of their
child marrying a Muslim increased from 34 to 50 percent, with Muslims
comprising the least desirable marriage partners, compared to atheists, gays,
Jews, and African Americans.
the percentage of Americans reporting that Muslims “do not agree at all with
their vision of American society” increased from 26 to 45 percent, with Muslims
comprising the most distrusted group.
growing animosity towards Muslims, we know very little about the kinds of
neighborhoods where they live. Urban
scholars have had a long-standing interest in where minority groups live
because neighborhoods provide connections to a society’s majority members,
economic and educational opportunities, and enhancements to health and quality
of life. Because we lack data on where people of different religious
backgrounds live in the United States, Muslims’ residential patterns have remained
absent from these studies.
Work in Progress is a project of the American Sociological Association's Sections on Organizations, Occupations, and Work, Economic Sociology, Labor and Labor Movements, and Inequality, Poverty, and Mobility